Sri Aurobindo – the vocal opponent of socialism

On November 1, 2012, in Bad ideas!, India, by Sanjeev Sabhlok

Most people think of Sri Aurobindo as a great spiritual and literary master. Few realise that he was, in line with Vivekananda and most Indian philosophers, a great proponent of liberty and – in Sri Aurobindo's case – a direct opponent of socialism.

Had Sri Aurobindo lived, Nehru's plans of socialism would have been still-born and India might have escaped from its (ongoing) misery of the past 65 years.

The more I think about it, it becomes clear that I am speaking from the ANCIENT INDIAN TRADITION. It is an instinctive expression of critical thinking, tolerance, and liberty that ancient India so deeply understood.

Till Nehru came in and confused everybody, including Team Anna/ Arvind Kejriwal and even Baba Ramdev. And of course, RSS/BJP are DIRECT godchildren of Nehru. There is no distinction I can make between BJP and Congress. (Btw, Modi is the same.)

NONE of these people are attuned to what Gandhi, Vivekananda, Aurobindo, and Tagore were attuned to: a deep instinctive tolerance and insistence on liberty. It was an instinctive expression of Indian-ness, the true Hindutva.

But Nehru the Westerner came in with half-baked German (Hegelian) ideas and destroyed India. It is time to reclaim Hindu Capitalism (also known as Hindu Dharma) and bring tolerance and liberty back to India. This includes economic freedom and incentive-based governance outlined in Arthashastra.

Some quotations from Aurobindo:

On liberty
Indian religion has always felt that since the minds, the temperaments and the intellectual affinities of men are unlimited in their variety, a perfect liberty of thought and of worship must be allowed to the individual in his approach to the Infinite.  [Source]

Against socialism

Sri Aurobindo: The Bombay Ministry seems to be working efficiently. They have escaped the socialists trap. These socialists do not know what is socialism. [Evening Talks with Sri Aurobindo, The Third Series, 26th January, 1939]

"As a spiritualist, Aurobindo is intensely attracted by the social and economic egalitarianism of socialism while at the same time he has a great horror of socialist authoritarianism. Organised socialism, even it be a democratic socialism, signifies to him the absence of liberty. He thinks that "state control and direction [are] the essence of socialism". The full development of socialism would mean the obliteration of the distinction between social and political activities, a distinction which is so vital in the liberal outlook. Under socialist control even social activities would become spheres of state interference. It means the thorough extension of the administrative activities of the state. "Nothing great or small escapes its purview. Birth and marriage, labour and amusement and rest, education, culture, training of physique and character, the socialist state leaves nothing outside its scope and its busy intolerant control." It signifies the full proliferation of the omnipotent state leviathan. Socialism represents the omnicompetence of the all-jealous state and therefore, according to Aurobindo, totalitarianism is the natural, almost inevitable destiny of socialism." [From Political Philosophy of Sri Aurobindo, V.P. Verma, p.334, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2nd edition, 1976]

 

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Economic Freedom of the World

Fundamental freedoms are paramount in explaining long-term economic growth. Countries that favor free choice — economic freedom and civil and political liberties — over entitlement rights are likely to achieve higher sustainable economic growth and to achieve many of the distinctive proximate characteristics of success identified by the Commission on Growth and Development (World Bank, 2008). In contrast, pursuing entitlement rights through greater coercion by the state is likely to be self-defeating in the long run.  [Source]

No more needs to be said.

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The other day I showed how Rajneesh detested socialism.

Now Harsh Vora sent me this link:


 

Dharma Pravartaka Acharya (Dr. Frank Morales) speaks in this video about the history of India during which he makes some unqualified generalisations, some of which can be very hurtful to people from some religions. The reality is far richer than what he presents. But there is something of merit in what he says about India's recent history.

He clearly shows that the socialism practiced over the past 64 years is not part of the natural law. He therfore hits out strongly at Nehru's socialism (although he mixes up India's 'secularism' with atheism).  While this man needs to learn some history, when he talks about freedom, he seems to make sense.

I trust that those who preach "Vedic Socialism" will now review their ideas in the light of their own concept of natural law (Dharma).

To me, freedom is the natural law.

Whether you call it dharma or (as Adam Smith called it) the "system of natural liberty", is immaterial. But freedom without accountability is pointless. Accountability is essentially a version of karma. So it is freedom with accountability that IS THE NATURAL LAW

It is crucially important that spiritual aspects of our life (whether we are eternal/ not eternal, etc.) should be left to each individual to understand and decide for himself. That is the implication of freedom – that we don't impose on such matters on anyone. It is violence against our nature to be imposed upon by others. That is what socialism does. It is unnatural in every way.

Extracts from The Discovery of Freedom

I've explained in (draft) DOF, thus:

At each instant, the karma yogi considers options for action for their long term consequences – without being personally affected by the success or failure of his effort. Freedom of thought thus leads like, an arrow, towards moral action. The free man acts with deliberation, aware of the potential consequences of his actions, always committed to being held to account. In advancing his self-interests though responsible action, he contributes to the welfare of mankind and of all life on earth. 

Whether it is the karma theory of Hinduism, the Buddhist theory of the middle path, or Christian theory of sin, each notes that our choices determine our character. As Rajagopalachari said:

Everyone knows from experience and with­out the help of any doctrine that every thought or act, good or bad, has at once an effect on oneself, apart from its effect on others or on the outside world. Every motion of the mind deals a stroke as with a hammer, on character and whether one wants it or not, alters its shape for better or worse. We are ceaselessly shaping ourselves as the goldsmith busy with his ham­mer shapes gold or silver all day long. Every act of ours and every thought creates a tendency and according to its nature adds or takes away from our free will, to a certain extent. If ‘I think evil thoughts today, I will think them more readily and more persistently tomorrow. Likewise it is with good thoughts. If I control or calm myself today, control becomes more easy and even spontaneous next time, and this goes on progressively.[1]

The good thing is that we can (largely) choose our character, health, and reputation. Freedom is in that sense a positive philosophy, that brings out the best in us. As Ian Harper points out: ‘Our choices have consequences, not just for our material but also for our moral well-being. … Good choices make us virtuous while bad choices make us vicious.’[2] Even in the most collectivist totalitarian society we will necessarily remain at least partially free to form our character and work towards our moral goals.


[1] Rajagopalachari, C. Hinduism: Doctrine and Way of Life, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,1959, p.80.

[2] Harper, Ian, ‘Christian Morality and Market Capitalism: Friends or Foes?’, 5th Annual CIS Acton Lecture on Religion & Freedom, Sydney: Centre for Independent Studies, 2003.

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Capitalism or the overall mechanism of freedom, which comprises free markets and democracy, is infinitely better than what Karl Marx (1818–83) portrayed in his 1848 Communist Manifesto. I would like to digress for a moment here and explore this rather interesting and earth-shaking discovery!

In political philosophy, the age of thirty at which Marx wrote his Manifesto is considered very young. Marx was a baby philosopher then; quite immature and unable to plumb the depths of the ambitions for freedom of the human spirit that philosophers who preceded him had first articulated. It can be stated with some confidence that political philosophers should try to gain life experience at that age, not pen inflammatory pieces that over-emphasize their ignorance. Unfortunately, through sheer repetition of the wild claims made by Marx in the Manifesto it appears that his deadly ideology of communism persuaded many people to stop investigating the truth about capitalism. Given the vigour of the Manifesto’s expression, Marxism became the new Gospel for many people, particularly its later avatars of Fabian socialism in India. And so Marx’s followers diligently killed or made poor millions of people for 150 years while at the same time claiming that capitalism was to blame for these deaths and poverty.
 
But let us look at Marx’s arguments more carefully, though briefly. It may come as a surprise to some of us, but Marx pointed out a number of good things about capitalism in his Manifesto even as he painted a gloomy picture of its allegedly insurmountable shortcomings. Marx said that ‘capitalists’ – a word which to him included industrialists, landlords, shopkeepers and pawnbrokers (but which to me is much narrower, meaning those who understand freedom) – were part of ‘the modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society’. Now, at first blush it would seem that, if nothing else, sprouting from the ruins of feudalism is a step in the right direction. Capitalism was surely on to something! Some other quotations from Marx are noted below, with my comments italicized in brackets:
‘The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production’ [technological innovation is good]. ‘[It also has] the need of a constantly expanding market for its products’ [this is a competitive and productive endeavour that enhances the wealth of nations].
 
‘The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation’ [that is a great achievement, to be a civilizing force].
 
‘The bourgeoisie has [...] created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life’ [here’s another important feature of capitalism, though this statement needlessly insults people who may choose, upon having considered various options, to live in rural areas].
In general, we can agree with these parts of Marx’s characterization of capitalism. If so, why did Marx go on to oppose capitalism and want to topple it? Well, what seems to have happened is that after noting its many advances, Marx began to doubt – quite wrongly as it turned out – whether a worker in a capitalist society would ever get to acquire ownership over property. He wrote, ‘we Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence [...] [h]ard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! [...] [D]oes wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a bit’ [False!! – this being my heated exclamation of protest, obviously].
 
Marx actually went wrong by a mile here; off on a complete tangent. He was, for some unknown reason, not aware of the growing evidence of the dramatic improvements in the lot of workers even in incipient capitalist societies. For example, writing about the changes to the conditions of agricultural labourers and factory workers during the early stages of industrialization, the great economic historian, Rondo Cameron,[i] notes, ‘That factory workers received higher wages than either agricultural labourers or workers in domestic industry there can be no doubt’. England also experienced a ‘rapid rise in population during the early stages of industrialisation’. This indicates that relatively better nutrition and sanitary conditions prevailed in urban areas at that time, particularly better access to health. Public health initiatives were also starting to make a significant dent on infant mortality. For instance, in 1847–8 the British Parliament adopted a sanitary code for all of England and Wales excluding London. A few years later, Louis Pasteur of France proved beyond doubt that germs led to disease. Cameron then notes, ‘the general trend of real wages was upward’ at that time. These, then, are the high-level facts of the time of Marx which indicate that rapid scientific and economic advances were taking place exactly when young Marx was hastily jumping to wrong conclusions.
 
But 100 years of experience then available to Marx was perhaps somewhat mixed. Why don’t we look at the facts prevailing now and see what happens in capitalist societies? In 1848, the theory of freedom and its practice, namely, of democratic free markets, had barely found a foothold. Today we are able to call upon 250 years of experience. Early trends found in Marx’s time have become totally obvious. Today we are able to note unequivocally that the average worker in a capitalist society is much better off than an average worker under any alternative system. There are no two opinions about this fact of life.

In addition, there are great equality incomes at the professional levels. In a modern capitalist society, all occupations pay almost equally well at that level. For example, a good professor and a good plumber earn about the same (both earn above $100,000 in Australia today). That is due to the extremely high productivity of plumbers in these countries who are extensively trained in modern, productive technology. Morarji Desai
 made his first visit abroad in 1958, to Britain, USA and Canada. He found that capitalist societies were very equitable, more so socially. He remarked to Welles Hangen, an American journalist, after his trip, that ‘In your country the manager and the worker sit together without any embarrassment. Many times the worker’s clothes are as good as his boss’s and the car he drives to work is also as good’.[ii] Marx simply did not live long enough to see the long term impacts of capitalism; and like a bad scientist he ignored evidence of the increasing prosperity of workers in capitalist societies in his lifetime.
 
On the other hand, workers in feudal and socialist society remain pathetically poor, albeit equally.Only the corrupt are rich in such societies. Incomes in capitalist societies are highly unequal, but as we have seen, this moral inequality, in that it is based on justice and voluntary, non-coercive trade. Such inequality is superior and even, arguably, desirable. In this manner, the level of overall morality in a society is perhaps the strongest signal of capitalism. (Now that I think of it, I should have put morality as a key indicator in Chapter 2; but it is implicit in the discussion on the culture of free societies and in the high levels of corruption found in socialist societies.) The main point is that inequality in capitalist societies doesn’t remain fixed over generations as with feudal societies; an unskilled worker’s children can easily become entrepreneurs and prosper through diligence. At the same time, it is not uncommon for a wealthy person’s children to regress into penury.
 
We have seen that a capitalist society rewards people objectively through the balance of demand and supply for their contributions through the market. Rewards are not dependent on who one’s father was, or on the colour of one’s skin. Bill Gate’s father could have been a ‘lowly’ black cleaner, and it would have mattered not one bit to Bill Gate’s future. He would have still become the richest man in the world and equally respected. Capitalism is a fair system which gives everybody an equal chance to excel and prosper. Everyone can be rich in a free society. And happy.
 
Indeed, the classification by Marx of the society into classes such as workers and the bourgeoisie is completely unsustainable today. Capitalism has rich texture; it is not uni-dimensional like socialism.In a free society a person can become rich and poor in the same lifetime. And today, managers are a kind of worker; and knowledge workers are a kind of manager. There are no distinctions of class possible today.
 
These, then, are some of the true facts regarding capitalist societies. Unfortunately, based on his serious misinterpretations, or misrepresentations of the truth, Marx asked workers of the world to revolt against capitalism. He did not recommend making improvements to capitalism through peaceful, voluntary negotiations. He wanted capitalism abolished. He rallied workers: ‘Workers of the world unite; you have nothing to lose but your chains’. According to him, workers needed to divest capitalists of their wealth (through violence, of course), and take charge of productive resources. Marx did not give directions on how the management of factories would change hands. Would the managers – who are also workers, but skilled workers – have to be demoted, and those without such knowledge and ability promoted to lead factories? Was merit to be turned on its head? Whether he wanted it this way or not, that is exactly what happened at least under India’s socialist regime in our public sector undertakings.
 
Marx’s implicit recommendation was clearly to encourage plunder. Anyone with wealth was now to be game for our envious passions. When discussing this comment about socialist plunder, one of my friends asked me, ‘The rich don’t plunder?’, to which the answer in a free society should be given in the following way: ‘First, to be rich is not a crime. Indeed, profit earned through just means based on persuasion and voluntary exchange, where each party to a trade becomes better off, is philosophically just and eminently moral. It can’t be related to plunder in any way. Plunder requires coercion to be employed. Second, a free society does not assassinate the character generally of all richpersonsas a group.The issue of plunder has to be tested objectively in each individual case. Plunder is a definite crime in a free society and no one is exempt from punishment on being found guilty of plunder. Our inquiries may find that some of the rich have plundered; but perhaps not all have. We may also find that some of the poor have plundered as well; but that not all have. In brief, whoever has plundered must be tried and punished’.
 
Communists prefer to use force to obtain their objectives. According to that vile communist, Mao Zedong, ‘all political power flows out of the barrel of a gun’.[iii] Nothing could be more abhorrent and revolting, coming from a political leader. Leaders should speak the language of moderation, peace and freedom; not of violence. Such messages of hate and disrespect of life are in gross opposition to the philosophy of freedom. Freedom demands respect for life and everyone’s freedom. Violence is never a part of it. It treats life almost as a sacred thing.
 
From the time of Marx, capitalism acquired a bad odour about it. In India, Nehru led a crusade against this word. At least two generations of Indians have now been poisoned against capitalism. But we know now, at last, the real truth – that capitalism is an ethical, just and equitable system built on the foundation of freedom and equality of opportunity.
 

[This is an extract from Breaking Free of Nehru]


[i] Cameron, Rondo, A Concise Economic History of the World, Oxford University Press, New York, 1993, pp.187–9.

[ii] Cited in Hangen’s book, After Nehru, Who?, Rupert Hart-Davis, London, 1963, p.43.

[iii] Madsen, Richard, (1996). Review of David E. Apter and Tony Saich’s book Revolutionary Discourse in Mao’s Republic. Contemporary Sociology. Vol. 25(2). p.187.
 

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What is justice? (#1)

On January 22, 2011, in Bad ideas!, Liberty, Philosophy, by

John Rawls wrote a book, entitled, A Theory of Justice. This is actually quite an amazing phenomenon for Rawls clearly had no clue about even the most fundamental conception of justice. The book missed the concept of justice by a mile, and ended up in total confusion. But that has been typical of all socialists, from the time that Rousseau expanded his conception of liberty into positive liberty space, and created a raggle of confused thinkers across the world who have vigorously DESTROYED LIBERTY and countless millions of lives over the past two centuries.

This is a general problem across the world. Most "educated" people don't understand the basic concept of justice. But without understanding justice, we can only end up promoting evil – even as we imagine we are preaching peace and goodwill.

In particular, social liberals and socialists don't understand the concept of ATTRIBUTION. They can't seem to identify WHO did a particular thing. They can't identify WHO owns something, WHO is responsible. As a result the whole world becomes like a ball of spaghetti in their mind, and they end up with DEEPLY contradictory prescriptions.

Let's start with something that should be obvious to all but the most fanatic Hindutva folk: that destroying property is a crime.

The gang of criminals known as BJP is (or was) headed by Advani. This nautanki, attired in a bow and arrow, went about actively advocating and organising the (a) trespass of property, and (b) breaking down property (Babri Masjid). That is a CRIMINAL action without any redeeming feature. However, Advani, like his many confused socialist/collectivist colleagues, thought that he was ensuring justice!

How so? He was under the DELUSION that since someone (Babur) had destroyed a temple (not owned by Advani –  who was not even born then) 500 years ago so he somehow got the right to set things right by TRESPASSING and BREAKING someone's else's property today. A man with such a feeble mind would not normally be fit to govern a village but he became dangerously close to becoming India's prime minister! Such are the dangers of mobocracy.

But you'll say: "But I never supported BJP, I'm a Congress man." You'll argue that such communal behaviour is below your dignity and that you would never stoop this low.

However, if you are a man from Congress (or a socialist, in general), then you support caste based reservations. But reservations are PRECISELY the same thing: they are a CRIME against innocents! Both are based on the ridiculous idea of "justice of yesterday" – a greater piece of nonsense than which never existed.

Basically if you support reservations, or you support the demolition of the Babri Masjid, you support the same thing: a WRONG and DANGEROUS concept of justice.

So-called "secularist" socialists imagine  they are different to BJP because they don't support demolishing Babri Masjid. But you can't support ANY form of injustice today on the ground that someone ELSE, dead and gone, committed a crime in the past. Unfortunately, that is the typical state of most of India's educated 'elites'. Whether you are a Hindutva fanatic or Congressi socialist, you are simply confused. It is time to wake up!

Let me help you clarify basic concepts

I have explained the concept of justice in BFN, but obviously not many people have read it (or understood it, even if they have read it). So let me try to put out the basic idea of justice over the course of a few simple blog posts. I will extract both from BFN and the draft manuscript DOF. 

I hope that these posts will alleviate (if not eliminate!) the deep and fatal confusion of thought that is prevalent in the minds of socialists/social liberals/collectivists in India. Unless we understand the BASIC concept of justice, we can't possibly understand the meaning of freedom.

Justice is ALWAYS as precise as a mathematical equation.  If you miss out a key variable, or include extraneous variables, you'll fail to understand this basic concept of justice. And after that you'll lead a life of total confusion – and DEEP immorality. You'll end up advocating communalist/socialist/other collectivist ideas. Each of these ideas KILLS. Always kills. 

To begin with I'm publishing this Appendix on accountability, from BFN. Please read this to understand how simple and precise the concept of justice is. Please note the VITAL meaning of attribution for it is the source of ALL understandings of accountability, of all property rights, and of all rewards and punishment. If you can't identify WHO did a particular action, you are FINISHED. You will remain a mental cripple.

Our Accountability (an appendix to Breaking Free of Nehru)

Justice is the end of government. It is the end of society.
James Madison[i]
 
Freedom becomes relevant only in the presence of more than one thinking, and hence responsible, human being. Responsibility is the key to freedom. Persons or animals that exhibit purely instinctive behaviour cannot be free since they cannot careful consider and evaluate the options available to them at each step, and choose, after due deliberation and planning, a course of action that they believe is appropriate. If a person with a chemical imbalance in their brains assaults another person, that person may not be acting freely. Similarly, psychiatrically unstable or intellectually challenged people may not be legally liable for their actions and hence cannot be deemed to be free.
 
The challenge for two or more of such thinking and responsible people cohabiting the universe is for each of them to do what they want to do, while being mindful of the mirror need of others to do what they want to do. The only sustainable way to ensure a reasonable balance among such conflicting demands on freedom is for citizens of a free society to mutually agree to rules for joint living. These rules amount to a ‘Nash equilibrium’,[ii] under which everyone’s liberty is balanced either by arbitrary rules of thumb such as traffic rules, or by precise conditions of justice and accountability. This principle is actually very simple and very ancient: ‘Do unto others as you would have them do unto you’.
 
As free people we are required to balance the forces of our physical and emotional energy in our interactions with others to make sure that no one else is made worse off by our actions (or inaction). Nothing requires us to go out of the way to help others. We may, of course, choose to do so, but that is not an obligation on us. All freedom calls for is that we must not ever make others worse off – for that would diminish their life, even if by a tiny amount. This accountabilityexistswhether it is enforced by a nominated third party or not. And yes, when we are called upon to rise and receive the just deserts of our actions, we cannot plead ignorance of the ‘law’ or of our mutually agreed rules as an excuse.
 
The exercise of our freedom thus requires us to carefully consider the consequences of our actions on others. At most times our actions are likely to be perceived differently by different observers, and therefore they will have differential impacts or consequences. We are obliged to be aware of these differential impacts, and to take steps to minimize potential misunderstandings arising from our actions. There is a natural limit or check in place, of course. Were we to hurt others, we know that a retributory cycle could be precipitated, for then these others may attempt to diminish our life similarly. So we are naturally careful not to hurt others even if there is no external government to enforce such accountability.
 
Accountability implicitly includes attribution,which isthe recognition or acknowledgement of the ownership of consequences. Attribution is the arrow that unerringly points to the relevant actor. For example, who is it that is responsible for a particular consequence? Who is it that has won a race? Who is it that owns this piece of land or that, or this piece of bread? We have a firm belief that the runner that runs the fastest should be declared its winner. When the deserts of our actions are not attributed precisely, and outcomes are determined by bias or by chance, we have a sense of disquiet; we object to the diminution of justice that it entails. Such simple and obvious things constitute the net import of freedom, which is, in the end, a very trivial and ordinary concept. But nothing is more important than this simple concept.
 
I am calling this package, namely, the combination of our free choice and its natural accountability, including its matching attribution, the loop of accountability. I have also used this phrase in a few places in this book. This concept is best illustrated in the diagram that follows. Further, the Yin-Yang symbol in the beginning of this book can also represent the same concept.
Accountability is the detailed and precise account of our actions. The word ‘accounts’ is used here in its most generic sense, including:
  • whether an action was called for and appropriate, namely, the existence and level of responsibility;
  • whether the action was duly carried out, i.e. the level of an action or inaction;
  • what were its consequences; and
  • to whom did the consequences apply, namely, the attribution and precise debiting or crediting of outcomes.
The keeping and settling of accounts is also known as justice.
 
Let me illustrate with a very simple example. Let’s assume that I walk into a grocery shop and ask for bread from the grocer. The grocer hands me a loaf of bread. I pay the grocer and take the bread. That marks the end of a transaction where the loop of accountability has ‘closed’. There is no outstanding ‘residue’ left.
 
What has happened here? We observe that, being responsible for myself and my family’s sustenance, I have freely,and of my own volition, stepped into the shop that belongs to someone else. I have then chosen to perform two further actions – first, to ask for bread, and, second, to receive the bread. Having done that, I have become instantaneously accountable for these actions. I must therefore necessarily perform the next action, namely, to settle the account and pay for the bread. I therefore pay for the bread. Note that exactly at the moment when I finish handing over the money, the ownership of the bread has changed. The bread as well as what I do with it is now attributed to me. The use of the bread is now in my sole discretion. This attribution applies even though the grocer did not write my name on the bread, nor did I register my ownership of the bread with the government.
 
This simple transaction illustrates the concept of freedom in its entirety. Our free actions are always accompanied by an expectation that we close the loop of accountability which is immediately and always generated. No residue should remain. This accounting is as precise as a mathematical equality. Indeed, most of our transactions in a free society are seamless, and the loop of accountability is duly closed. We note that if no one ever violated the loop of accountability, we would never need a government. That would be paradise.
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It appears that the Armchair Guy, one of the otherwise balanced and intelligent commentators on this blog seems to have been brainwashed by Indian leftists to such an extent that he is no longer able to identify the fundamental concepts of freedom and justice.

Let me therefore extract some references to the idea of “social justice” from BFN for his benefit.
 
At least two full generations have been brainwashed by leftists in India. Their logical and moral sense has been destroyed. When one's mind has been sealed with all kinds of delusions, it is virtually impossible to use reason. That is how many religions function, and that is how socialism functions. 
 
But if  people like AG are seriously interested in India’s welfare (which at times I feel they are, at least sub-consciously), they ought to TRY to learn something different to what has been forced on them since childhood. Trying to read Hayek might help, or BFN/DOF. I can't guarantee that the socialist disease can be cured, but they could try. 
 
Nehru's godchildren are well and alive even today. If our educated classes keep speaking this deeply socialist language, then India will continue to get what it deserves: its third world status, with MILLIONS of innocent children dying every year like flies, and old people eating feces – while a few highly corrupted people build billion dollar properties and store tens of billions in Swiss bank accounts.
 

EXTRACTS

Our Constitution doesn’t have a uniting theme, a theme to focus each of its words towards the advancement of our freedoms. The ideas of freedom of expression, property rights and habeas corpus haplessly mingle with ideas that oppose freedom. It dabbles with a number of second order, even tertiary and mutually incompatible, ideas – things like social justice, socialism, casteism, tribalism, policy whims and directives, etc. All kinds of strange animals find a place in our Constitution, as if in a menagerie. It is a veritable khichri with small irritating pebbles that crack our teeth as we start ‘eating’ it. Some of these pebbles, like socialism or social justice, are poisonous and have actually caused us endless grief. We need to spit them out. It is definitely not a simple and therefore well-made khichri,flavoured only with the deeply satisfying aroma of pure freedom, like pure ghee melting all over it.
 
Most unfortunately, though, the Preamble distorts liberty itself by talking of a completely indefensible and vacuous thing called ‘social’ and ‘economic’ justice. But social justice is a totally meaningless term (even assuming that economic justice merely represents justice in commercial undertakings). Justice is always individual, not collective or social. ‘Social justice’ is not based on consistent logic. Indeed, this phrase has a deeply socialist origin, and has laid the seeds of terrible corruption and continued poverty in India. Most bad policies in India have been justified by the pursuit of social justice, even as we did practically nothing to ensure equality of opportunity. Equality of opportunity requires the eradication of poverty and educating of all our children. None of that happened because people got distracted by the whimsical ‘social justice’.
 
Related Concepts: Social Freedom and Social Justice
Related very closely to this barbaric concept are the concepts of social freedom and social justice. These are one and the same thing, noting that freedom and justice are always two sides of the same coin. Within the Indian system of governance, both these concepts are totally flawed and based on the barbaric concept of the ‘justice of yesterday’. Carrying on his crusade to confound the concept of justice, Nehru said that the ‘concept of individual freedom has to be balanced with social freedom [...] and the relations of the individual with the social group’.[i]
 
            But what can this mysterious concept of social freedom possibly mean? It sounds very much like a collectivizedversion of freedom. If so, just as individual freedom has its matching individual accountability, social freedom must have its matching social accountability. The nearest thing to social accountability, however, seems to be the concept of ‘collective punishment’ – a very deeply troubling concept. I recall it being mentioned during my training as a civil servant in 1982–4 that collective punishment was practised by some officers in British India. Under this model of ‘justice’, all men in a village were punished for the crime committed by one of them. But if we did not consider such practices to be just under British India, how could our Prime Minister in independent India possibly advocate this?
In 1982, someone tried to assassinate Saddam Hussein as his convey entered a village 60 km north of Baghdad. In response, Saddam got 148 innocent people from that village executed. That is collective punishment – social accountability, a dastardly and cowardly attack on the very fundamental concept of justice. Fortunately, we don’t condone collective punishment, even if our leaders do not understand what justice means.
 
            In sum, social freedom, social justice and the ‘justice of yesterday’ are not only concepts without logical content, but are extremely dangerous ideas; we must reject them all and throw them into the ocean.If anyone uses these arguments, we should challenge that person to logically derive any sensible and consistent implication of these concepts.
 
* * *
            I suspect that what Nehru really had in his mind while advocating social justice and social freedom was his concern about two things. He wanted an end to feudalism and an end to inequality of status, particularly caste inequality. But there are eminently sensible ways to solve these problems without confounding the concept of justice.


[i] Nehru, cited in Austin, Granville, op. cit., p.655.

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